The Baptism of the Church at Pentecost

In the Gospel, after the preparation in the first chapter, we come to the birth of the Lord, who was 'conceived of the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary.) So in the 2nd chapter of the Acts we seem to read the fulfilment of a prophecy similar to that made to the Virgin, The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee and the power of the Most High shall overshadow thee, and the day of Pentecost is commonly spoken of as the birthday of the church. But this is not quite accurate. We read of the working of the Spirit before Pentecost – in the first chapter of S. Luke's Gospel, and in the Old Testament. On Easter Day the Lord had breathed on the apostles and said Receive ye the Holy Ghost. Similarly the church was already in existence when the Lord laid the foundations by choosing the Twelve: it existed in the Old Testament, for the people of Israel were 'the church of God' (vii 38): it existed indeed before the foundation of the world in the mind of God. What then does Pentecost represent? What change is effected by the outpouring of the Spirit?

The change lies in the relation of the Holy Spirit to the human spirit. This relation was made quite new. Previously the Holy Spirit had acted on men from without, like an external force; as the prophet Ezekiel describes it, 'the hand of the Lord was upon me.' But now the Holy Spirit acts from within. He is in man (Jn xiv 17). Before Pentecost his manifestations had been transient and exceptional: now his presence in man's heart is an 'abiding' one and regular. This change had become possible because the Holy Spirit is 'the Spirit of Jesus' (xvi 7). It was the union of the divine and human natures in the Person of Jesus Christ which first made it possible for the divine Spirit to dwell in a human personality. When the Word was made flesh, the Holy Ghost became the Spirit of the man Jesus; and now that Jesus was glorified the Spirit of Jesus was become the Spirit of consummated humanity, and through the channel of that humanity he could be poured out upon the brethren of Jesus. This new presence of the Spirit has also a corresponding effect on human society. Being the Spirit of the Son of Man, the church which his indwelling creates is a universal church: no longer the church of a small select race but the church of humanity.

On earth then the day of Pentecost marks the beginning of this new­ relation. It is the beginning of the new spiritual life of the church – its second birth. And the characteristic of this life is Power. A transformation takes place, the apostles are new men, all fear of the Jews is gone. Peter, but recently afraid of a servant girl, stands up boldly before all the people. The apostles' tongues are loosed and three thousand are converted. The work of the church begins. Now in the Gospel the Lord's ministry began after his baptism when he was ‘anointed with the Holy Ghost and with power' (x 38) : and accordingly here we have not the birth, but the second birth, the baptism of the church. So the Lord himself had spoken of it as the baptism in the Spirit (i 5).

When the Lord was baptized, there came a voice from heaven and the appearance of a dove; so the baptism of the church is attended by similar extraordinary phenomena – an appearance of fire, a noise from heaven, and an unusual 'voice' from the disciples. The disciples themselves, and much more the world, needed some external evidence to assure them that the baptism of the Spirit had taken place. This would save them from becoming the prey of imagination or self-deceit. They needed (to quote the Catechism) 'an outward visible sign' as a Pledge 'of the inward and spiritual grace given.' And so we find that at other times special manifestations are recorded, where there is special need of assurance as to the baptism of the Spirit, as in the case of the Samaritans (viii), Gentiles (x), John's disciples (xix). On this occasion however there is every reason why we should expect miraculous symptoms. This Pentecost witnessed the introduction into the world of a new order of life – the life of the divine Spirit in humanity. This spiritual life is not contrary to nature, but it is above nature – certainly above the ‘nature' of the fleshly life (Jn iii 6). And just as the union of the divine and human natures in the incarnation was marked by a unique or miraculous birth, so we should expect the new birth of the Spirit to be unique. Every new beginning in thought or life is inevitably accompanied by disturbance. There is the struggle with the old, and the re-adjustment to the new environment. So the coining of the Spirit is followed by irregular and abnormal phenomena. Like Jordan, the full and plenteous flood of the Spirit 'overflows all its banks' (Josh iii 15). At first the old worn-out vessels of humanity cannot contain it – and there is a flood of strange and novel spiritual experiences. But when it has worn for itself a deep channel in the church, when the laws of the new spiritual life are learnt and understood, then some of the irregular phenomena disappear, others become normal, and what was thought to be miraculous is found to be a natural endowment of the Christian life.

These miraculous phenomena however are not merely external signs of some unusual occurrence. There is in them a definite correspondence with the reality they signify, that is, they have a definite symbolical meaning. The prophetic writings of the OT were largely marked by the use of symbolical imagery, as in the passage of Joel which S. Peter here quotes. Now very similar in style to the OT are some of these early narratives in the Acts which evidently come from the hand of some Christian prophet: and in interpreting the phenomena they record we must be guided by the laws of prophecy. To help us we have the accounts of divine epiphanies in the OT such as those at the burning bush (Exod iii 2, 3) and Sinai (ib. xix 18-20, xxiv 17, etc.), to Eli ah (I Kings xix 11, 12) and Ezekiel (Ez i 4, etc.).

The descent of the Spirit

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The day of Pentecost was now being fulfilled, i.e. it had begun but was not yet past. This day was one of the three great festivals when the law required the attendance of all Israel at the temple, and Jerusalem would be thronged with pilgrims. As the Passover fell rather early for the navigation season, Jews from the west especially would prefer to make their pilgrimage at the time of Pentecost, as we shall find S. Paul doing later on. Pentecost was also called the Feast of Weeks, because it fell seven (i.e. a week of) weeks after the Passover. To be exact, it was the fiftieth (Greek pentecoste) day after the offering of the sheaf of the firstfruits of the harvest during the feast of unleavened bread. And as its characteristic ceremony was the offering of the first two loaves – the firstfruits – of the new corn, it marked the close of harvest. The disciples no doubt attended the temple soon after dawn for the morning sacrifices and the offering of the firstfruits, and then in a body all together assembled at their own house, where they were sitting, i.e. which was their headquarters, probably the house with the 'upper chamber’[Cp. i 13, xviii 11 Gk, Lk xxiv 49 Gk.] This gathering would be for prayer and worship. For the rest of the Jews would be engaged in similar exercises in the other synagogues of Jerusalem: and on sabbath and festival days, till such services were over, they abstained from eating and drinking, not breaking their fast till the fourth hour, about 10 a.m., or even noon.

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While the brethren were thus engaged, they suddenly heard a great sound coming down from above. It was like the echoing noise of a wind blowing violently. It sounded through the whole house, for the hundred and twenty must have occupied more than one chamber;

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and it was accompanied by an appearance of fire. The fire was in the form of tongues which distributed themselves [That this is the meaning is shewn by ii 45, Lk xxii 17, Mt xxvii 35 where the word recurs. Cloven tongues would have required a different tense, as in Lk xi 17, xii 52.] over the company,

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a tongue settling upon the head of each one. That moment they were filled, and so baptized, with the Holy Spirit, and the immediate result was that they began to speak. They praised and glorified God with other tongues, i.e. in utterances different from their ordinary speech – utterances enthusiastic and ecstatic, of a novel eloquence exceeding their usual form of speech. For in fact these utterances – and a stately word is used in the Greek – were the direct inspiration of the Spirit.

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These phenomena manifesting themselves in a body of 120 must have attracted attention, and a crowd of inhabitants and pilgrims soon collected. Possibly under the influence of the Spirit – for while the appearance and sound may have been but momentary, the speaking continued – the apostolic body made their way to the temple and prepared to address the concourse there in Solomon's porch. Oriental cities were familiar enough with phenomena of ecstasy and fanaticism, yet the multitude of the Jews were perplexed and even thrown into confusion. The more so that in the utterances of the disciples many strangers recognized words of their own languages.

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Some found it the easiest solution to put it down to intoxication.

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This charge gave the fitting opportunity : to answer it the Twelve, as the representatives of the whole body, stood forward, and Peter acting as their spokesman under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit made utterance.[The word is the same as in ver. 4: cp. iv 8.]

The symbolic teaching of the narrative is very clear. The word being fulfilled which S. Luke had used in his Gospel (ix 51) of 'the days of the Lord's being received up,' and which does not occur again in the NT, may remind us that this descent is the true fulfilment of those days of the Lord's ascension. It is also the fulfilment of the pentecostal offering of the firstfruits, for on this day were gathered the firstfruits of the harvest of the world. On Pentecost the Jews also celebrated the giving of the law on Sinai; so also on this day God gave the new law, writing it in the heart by his Spirit (Hebr viii 10). In the scene itself we find illustrated that unity with diversity, which is the mark of the Spirit's operation : 'there are diversities of gifts but the same Spirit – who divideth to each one severally as he will' (I Cor xii 4, 11), They are all together – in one place: the sounds fill the whole house, the fire sits upon the head of each one: the tongues distribute themselves to each individual, but the many utterances make one sound or voice (verse 6). The various phenomena are familiar to us already from the divine epiphanies of the OT. The most striking likeness is found in the strong wind, fire, and voice of Elijah's vision[1 K xix 11-13: for the earthquake, see iv 31.]. The Spirit is like the wind, hence his coming is sudden; for 'the wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest the voice thereof, but knowest not whence it cometh and whither it goeth' (Jn iii 8). The apostles however knew that the Spirit came down out of heaven. The wind really was a breath;[That is the word in the Greek which occurs in Gen ii 7, Job xxxii 8, xxxiii 4.] for the Spirit is the breath of life, which giveth life and understanding. This breath is 'mighty in operation' : it is borne from on high, and as at the creation its moving is the beginning of life.[See Gen i 2, 1 Pet i 13, 11 i 17.] Fire is always a sign of the divine presence. So it was at the burning bush, and throughout the 0 T. Pagan writers also recognized the symbolism, as when Virgil describes the portent which appeared to Aeneas: [Aen. II 682-4 (Conington's trans.).]

Between us while Iulus stands
'Mid weeping eyes and clasping hands,
Lo ! from the summit of his head
A lambent flame was seen to spread,
Sport with his locks in harmless play,
And grazing round his temples stray.

Fire purifies by consuming the evil.[Isai xxxiii 14, Hebr xii 29: ep. Num xvi 35.] It shews the burning zeal of love. Here however it is rather the light of divine inspiration. For it appears in the form of tongues and its effect is speech. The apostles speak with other tongues : for this voice of the Spirit speaking in humanity is something new: it is the new 'law or word of the Lord going forth from Jerusalem’: the apostles 'sing a new Song.'[Isai ii 4, Jer xxxi 33: Ps xcvi 1 etc.] But this new speech is to continue and be the constant language of the church, for the apostles only begin to speak. It will also heal the division caused by the confusion of tongues at Babel. The voice of the Spirit is intelligible to every nation under heaven, i.e. to the true Jews, the spiritual Israel in each nation. His presence brings them together and will once more make 'the whole earth of one language and one speech,' and unite into one church 'the families of the sons of Noah – of whom the nations were divided in the earth.[Gen xi 1, x 32.] The parallel in the Acts to the list of the nations in Genesis x and to the confusion of tongues in Genesis xi is most obvious.

The speaking with tongues (ii 4)

Apart from the symbolism however we have to investigate the literal meaning of the speaking with other tongues. This was in truth only a beginning, for 'speaking with tongues' or 'glossolaly' continued long in the church, and it ranked among the charismata or spiritual gifts (I Cor xii 10, 30). In the Acts we shall meet with two more instances of it (x 46, xix 6), but the gift was so abundant and disturbing in the church at Corinth that S. Paul devotes a long section of his first epistle to the Corinthians (ch. xii-xiv) to its consideration. Both in the epistle and the Acts glossolaly is closely connected with prophecy;[In vv. 17, 18 S. Peter says they shall prophesy.] for both are utterances under the influence of the Spirit. The distinction is this – prophecy is a speaking to men for their edification, glossolaly was addressed to God directly. The subject of the 'tongues' was ‘the great works of God’,[verse 11, and x 46.] and it was in fact a glorifying of God which might be in psalm or hymn, in prayer or thanksgiving. But there was a further distinction. Glossolaly was in the main unintelligible – not always, for the speaker sometimes edified himself, and the utterances in the spirit (whether of God or of evil) which S. Paul quotes in I Cor xii 3, viz. Jesus is Lord or Jesus is anathema, may be specimens of 'tongues.' But glossolaly was emphatically a speaking in the spirit as distinct from speaking with the intelligence and to be understood by others the tongue had to be interpreted. In one way it might edify others, but chiefly the unbelievers, that is as being an evident sign of a divine presence within.

Prom this description we may gather that speaking with tongues was a kind of ecstatic or even hysterical utterance, such as is often found to accompany religious revivals or excitement. If the mind loses control over the nerves which produce the voice, the connexion between speech and the rational faculties is severed. Such severance may be a permanent physical disorder as in the case of lunatics: it may be a temporary dislocation due to some great mental blow or excitement. But it may be due to a higher cause. Besides our intellectual faculties we have a spiritual nature. This is the seat of our personality and the medium of communion with the divine nature. And it is easy to imagine that the 'power' of the divine Spirit may manifest itself in us in phenomena which seem abnormal in comparison with our ordinary activities. The individual may be in 'ecstasy,' i.e. entirely absorbed in his spiritual being or in spiritual things, so as to be for practical purposes 'out of the body' and 'in the spirit'.[See x 10, xxii 17, II Cor xii 2. Rev i 10, iv 2] Sometimes the spiritual energy may manifest itself in ecstatic speech or utterance – and that is what we understand by 'speaking with tongues.' The use of such external manifestations by the Spirit may be regarded as a condescension to human ideas. For the idea of ‘possession' by spirits, whether good or bad, was carried to its extreme length in the ancient world, and to such possession were ascribed the phenomena of ecstasy and so forth. In fact madness and insanity were regarded with awe as forms of divine inspiration, and our word 'enthusiasm' still bears witness to the external excitement which the divine presence was supposed to produce. Plato himself seems to accept the possibility of divine revelations apart from the reason, when, speaking of the popular belief that the liver was the seat of divination, he writes: ‘herein is a proof that God has given the art of divination not to the wisdom but to the foolishness of man. No man, when in his wits, attains prophetic truth and inspiration: but when he receives the inspired word, either his intelligence is enthralled in sleep, or he is demented by some distemper or possession.’

We notice that, though S. Paul 'spoke with tongues more than all' the Corinthians, he does not set a high value on the gift of glossolaly. He ranks it last of the charismata, and apparently among childish things.[I Cor xiv 18-20.] For (1) it did not edify others. Rather (2) it tended to cause disorder in the church. (3) The fact that glossolaly lay in the spiritual, and not in the rational, sphere opened the door to dangerous confusion. Its phenomena might be counterfeited either by evil spirits, to whose operation the early Christians ascribed the miracles of paganism; or by religious impostors and charlatans, of which the world was then full. Again it might be hard at times to distinguish them from similar symptoms due to physical causes – such as madness, or even intoxication[(a) xxvi 24 (b) ii 13: cp. Eph v 18-9 where being filled with the Spirit is contrasted with being drunken with wine.]. The church very soon realized the necessity of 'discerning the spirits,' and this applied to I the tongues 1 as well as to prophecy. Hence we are not surprised to find that in some quarters it began to be looked upon with disfavour. Some of the Corinthians would have forbidden it: and S. Paul has to exhort the Thessalonians not to 'quench the Spirit'.[See I Thess v 19-21, 1 Cor xii 10, xiv 39, 1 Jn iv 1-6.] S. Paul himself does not assign to the charisma a high place; and as the new spiritual life of the church becomes normal and regular, the speaking with tongues gradually drops off and dies away.

This account, however, of the phenomena which took place at Pentecost is not the one which is usually accepted. It is commonly supposed that the apostles actually talked in different languages and so were able to be understood by the crowd of different nationalities, and this is the prima facie impression given by the narrative, especially by verses 6 to 8. If this was the case, then it was certainly a unique event, suitable for a unique occasion, and it did not occur again. But the impression is probably due to the symbolic and prophetic character of the narrative, as it works out the correspondence to Genesis x, xi: for there are several points which imply the opposite. (1) In the Greek the other tongues would denote not so much foreign languages as a different kind of utterance, and that would be the meaning of the new tongues of Mk xvi 17. Similarly S. Paul speaks of the tongues – i.e. speech, not languages – of men and angels (I Cor xiii 1): and the usual term for glossolaly is simply speaking with tongues. The same word for other recurs in verse 40, where it does not mean foreign words. (2) There is no trace of the apostles' having possessed such a gift permanently. S. Paul and Barnabas certainly did not understand the Lycaonian dialect. But as a matter of fact the universal prevalence of Greek made the gift almost unnecessary. (3) The utterances were addressed not to the crowd but to God. They were glorifying God, not preaching the gospel: that was reserved for S. Peter. (4) In any case the utterances were ecstatic, and not in the form of continuous discourse: the effect produced on the hearers was perplexity and amazement. One class of hearers concluded that the disciples were drunken, which certainly does not suggest intelligible speech. (5) The phenomenon at the baptism of Cornelius was exactly the same as now x 46, xi 15): but on that occasion there is no hint of or need for foreign languages. (6) The catalogue of nationalities is obviously meant to represent every nation under heaven, but though there would have been no doubt pilgrims among Peter's audience, they are here described as dwellers at Jerusalem, and certainly S. Peter assumes that they were familiar with recent events in Jerusalem. But in this case they would have understood for the most part either Greek or the Aramaic vernacular. S. Peter proceeds to address them in one of these languages and they are able to understand him.

We conclude then that the narrative taken as a whole does not require us to suppose that the speaking with tongues at Pentecost was different, in essence from the ordinary glossolaly, described in the Epistle to the Corinthians. At the same time verses 8 and 11 require that some of the utterances should, as was natural, have been clothed in foreign words.

The Dispersion ii 9-11

The catalogue of vv. 9-11 is meant to represent every nation under heaven, that is to say Jews, the true servants of God, from every nation. It is copied by S. Luke from his written authority. S. Luke would not have been likely to omit Galatia, Macedonia or Achaia; and the geography is not that of the Romans or the Greeks. It is really a description of the Jewish Dispersion written by a Jew, and the remarkable omission of Syria would suggest a Jew writing at Antioch. The Dispersion was the name for the thousands, possibly even millions, of Jews scattered throughout the world outside the Holy Land. It was, as it still is, a striking characteristic of the Jewish race. Strabo writing in the first century says [In Joseph. Ant. xrv 7. 2.]  that 'the Jews had already penetrated into every city, and that it would not be easy to find a place in the world where this race had not arrived and taken possession.'

Parthia, Media and Elam denote the countries east of the Roman empire. Here would be found the remains of the ten tribes and of the Babylonian captivity. The Jews in Babylonia were so numerous and important as to form a special school of theology of their own. From the subjects of the Parthian empire we pass to the dwellers in the empire of Rome. Between the two empires lay the debatable ground of Mesopotamia. Here Jewish influence and proselytism were very active, and the royal family of Adiabene on the upper Tigris had become converts to the Jewish faith. Crossing the Euphrates we come to Syria and Antioch. In Syria the Jews formed a larger percentage of the population than elsewhere, and there was a most numerous community of Jews in Antioch who possessed the full rights of citizenship. Instead of mentioning Syria [The omission was felt to be strange in early times, and for Judaea was substituted Armenia (Tertullian) or Syria (Jerome).] however the writer passes by it on the one hand to Judaea proper or Palestine, on the other to Asia Minor. Here we pass through Cappadocia to Pontus on the northern coast and then to the province of Asia on the western coast. Turning inland, through Phrygia we come to the southern coast in Pamphylia where was Myra the port for Egypt. The Jews of Asia, especially of Ephesus, were wealthy and important, and we shall meet them again at Jerusalem (xxi 27). The journeys of S. Paul will introduce us to the Jewish settlements in southern Galatia and Phrygia. Antiochus the Great had transplanted thither 2000 Jewish families to strengthen his hold on the country. But the baths and wines of Phrygia had had a deteriorating influence on their character, and the strict rabbis spoke of them as separated from their brethren.[ Neubauer Geogr. du Talmud p. 315.] They certainly had made themselves at home in their adopted country, for inscriptions shew that in Phrygia, Galatia and Pontus Jewish families had attained to high positions of affluence and official dignity.[See Ramsay Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia ch. xv]

From Myra in Pamphylia we sail across to Egypt, passing Cyprus on the way. In Cyprus there was a large Jewish colony. In the revolt in Trajan's reign the Cypriote Jews rose and were said to have massacred 240,000 of their Gentile fellow-citizens.[Dio Cassius LXVIII 32] Jews ftom Cyprus were among the earliest converts, and had a great share in the work of spreading the gospel: but their chief glory was Joseph Barnabas, 'a Levite, a man of Cyprus by race'.[xxi 16, xi 19, 20, iv 36.] The Jews in Egypt were perhaps the most important element of the Dispersion: they numbered a million according to Philo, and their quarter covered nearly two of the five divisions of the city of Alexandria. Their importance however lay in their theology rather than in their number. Alexandria was the home of that school of liberal Platonic Judaism which formed a halfway house between Hellenism and Judaism, and of which the great representative was Philo, himself a contemporary of the early part of our history. In the years 37 and 38 the Alexandrian Jews suffered a terrible persecution at the hands of their Gentile fellow-citizens; and Philo was one of the embassy they sent to appeal to Caligula. We recognize the characteristics of Alexandrine Judaism in the eloquence and learning of Apollos, but, unless Stephen was also trained in the learning of Egypt, this is the only appearance of Alexandrian wisdom in the Acts.[ xviii 24-28: cp vi 9] Journeying to the west along the coast of Africa or Libya we come to Cyrene. Here a hundred years ago, in Sulla's time, the Jews had already formed a fourth class among the citizens. They possessed, or shared, a synagogue at Jerusalem, and like the men of Cyprus were of note 'in the gospel.' Simon who carried the cross, some of the early evangelists, and Lucius the prophet of Antioch, were Cyrenians.[Lk xxiii 26, Acts xi 20, xiii 1.]

From Cyrene ships crossed the Mediterranean to Italy. At Rome there was a large Jewish settlement. If this was not so large numerically as at Antioch or Alexandria, the deficiency in numbers was made up for by zeal in proselytizing; and by their intrigues and religious influence the Jews acquired an extraordinary influence even in the highest circles of Rome. When Pompey had taken Jerusalem in 63 B.C. he brought great numbers of Jewish captives to Rome, who as they were gradually set free formed the nucleus of the colony. It rapidly increased, and soon the Jews attracted the notice of politicians like Cicero, and literary men such as Horace, Martial and Juvenal. Jewish beggars, proselytes, and superstitions were a favourite butt of the satirists. The demonstration they made round Caesar's catafalque in the forum was the first sign of their appearance as a factor in politics. To keep them down Tiberius deported some thousands to Sardinia. Under Claudius tumults among the Jews, probably occasioned by the preaching of 'the Christ,' led to farther repressive action, and the emperor banished all the Jews from Rome. These Jews were proud of their citizenship and so the visitors from Rome are called Romans, whether Jews by race or proselytes, though this division probably refers to the whole catalogue.

Rome and Cyrene represented at present the western limit of the Dispersion, and to complete the list the writer adds Cretans and Arabians. Crete stands for 'the isles' of the Old Testament., and for Jewish influence there we can refer to the epistle to Titus (i 5, 10). Arabia – whither S. Paul retired after his conversion (Gal i 17) – is the country east and south of Palestine, and the attitude of the Arabians, as of the Bedouin of to-day, was always a serious question for the Jews. As their relations have a bearing on the chronology of the Acts we may note that at this period Aretas king of Petra had consolidated a kingdom, and later on he acquired Damascus (II Cor xi 32). Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, married his daughter, and when Herod rejected her in favour of Herodias his brother's wife, a quarrel naturally ensued. Aretas defeated Herod in battle, and the appeals to Rome resulted in Herod's downfall. But apart from the Jews Arabia had been attracting the attention of the Roman public, when S. Luke was writing: Augustus had sent an expedition under Gallus to obtain a footing in the country, and it had met with a fatal reverse. But at some later period, before A.D. 70, a Roman force destroyed Aden.

The preaching of Peter

To this crowd, representative of the whole Jewish race, S. Peter made utterance. The word foreknowledge at once gives a stamp of authenticity to the speech, for it is used in the first epistle of S. Peter (i 2, cp. verse 20) and nowhere else in the NT. This suggests a clue which can be followed up. In the same epistle recur the expressions call upon God (i 17), rejoice (i 6, 8, iv 13), the flesh of the Christ (iv 1), the right hand of God (iii 22), exalt (v 6), the house – of God's people (ii 5, iv 17). The following ideas are so strongly marked – that the Christ is Lord (iii 15, cp. verse 6), his rejection by his own (ii 4, 7), his ascension and sitting at the Right Hand (iii 22), the promised gift of the Spirit (i 12, iv 14), the prophecy of the glories after the sufferings (i 11, 12), salvation through baptism (iii 21), the present age as 'the last days' (i 5, 20). Apart from marks of Petrine authorship, however, the contents of the speech shew its early character. It was the apostles' first duty to bear witness to facts, i.e. the facts of the Lord's life culminating in the resurrection. And this speech is just such a summary of facts, and represents the apostolic 'preaching' long before any gospels or epistles were written. But though a proclamation of facts rather than an exposition of doctrine, we find in it the elements of the Apostles' Creed: the Father, Son, and Spirit (32-3): Jesus is man (22) but also Lord (36), and he bestows the divine Spirit: the Spirit being poured upon the disciples makes them a divine fellowship: the offer is made of remission of sins which is conveyed through baptism.

The Holy Spirit is the great subject of the sermon, just as he is the foundation of Christianity. The boldness with which S. Peter accuses the Jews of the murder of their Christ testifies to the power of the Spirit within. What argument or proof he uses consists in an appeal to the Scriptures, in which the Spirit of Christ bore witness beforehand (I Pet i 11). And his personal appeal was to the heart or conscience of his hearers, which was convicted by the Spirit speaking within him (Jn xvi 8):

The sermon falls into three parts, each beginning with a personal address and ending with a 'scripture,' and the practical conclusion follows after an interval. The change of address further illustrates the growing spiritual tie. Part I (vv. 14-21) starts with the incident which occasioned the speech. S. Peter, a despised Galilean (verse 7), addresses the crowd of verse 5 as Jews, Men of Judaea, and all ye that dwell at Jerusalem, and answers the charge of drunkenness: if 'they are drunken,' it is not with wine but with the Spirit. II (vv. 22-28). To prepare for the explanation of this phenomenon, he unfolds the work of Jesus. This is 'the word of the gospel,' addressed to them as God's chosen people of whom he himself is one – Men of Israel; and the first word Jesus tells us that it is 'the testimony of Jesus' (Rev xix 10) i.e. the witness to his life, crucifixion, and resurrection. III (vv. 29-36). The meaning of the resurrection is now interpreted, as the fact is confirmed by an appeal to prophecy. It is the resurrection which affords the explanation of the present outpouring of the Holy Spirit, while in turn this gift proves that Jesus is indeed himself the longed-for promise of Israel' – the Messiah and Lord. This gift offered them a common spiritual brotherhood, and S. Peter had called his hearers Brethren. Now, IV (vv. 37-40), he drives home the practical appeal which this faith makes to the individual, which is for repentance and baptism. On repentance forgiveness of sins and the same gift of the Spirit will be conveyed to all, without any limitation. But a note of warning as to the consequences of refusal concludes.

With this sermon we must compare S. Peter's other sermons – to the Jewish people (iii 12-26).and to the Gentiles (x 34-43), and S. Paul's sermon to the Jews in xiii 16-41.

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St. Peter speaks together with the Eleven, i.e. the rest of the apostles (verse 37), as their spokesman, and his elaborate opening after the style of the OT marks the solemnity of the occasion.

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The apostolic company are not drunken, for it is but the third hour of the day, about 9 a.m., when no Jew on a festival day would have as yet broken his fast. But this is the fulfilment of a prophecy of Joel.

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A plague of locusts had been devastating the land of Judah, and seeing in them a type of the divine judgements on his people, Joel prophesies that God will remove them, and then . . .

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. . . he adds that 'afterward' God will pour out his Spirit on all flesh, which will cause his servants to prophesy – the prediction now. . .

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. . . fulfilled in the speaking with tongues. Further this outpouring will . . .

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. . . be accompanied by 'wonders in the heavens and in the earth,' which shall usher in 'the great and terrible day of the Lord,' i.e. of the Lord's appearance in the final judgement and restoration of all things. For 'afterward' S. Peter substitutes in the last days. The Christian era is itself 'the last days,' or ‘the last hour,' and 'at the end of the times,' because it is the final dispensation. It begins with the first coming of the Messiah and will only end when he returns in glory, to consummate all things and bring in 'the world to come.' This idea is common to all the apostolic writers.[Jas v 3, I Pet i 5, 20, I Jn ii 18, Heb i 1, I Tim iv 1, II iii 1] But more than this, at the first the apostles were expecting that the time before the return would be 'short.' This had been their belief before the crucifixion; the Lord had made no specific mention of delay, and the indications which be had let drop had not been taken to heart. The disciples had just seen him depart into heaven, and now that the Holy Spirit was outpoured, they were convinced that the Lord's glorious return was at hand.[I Cor vii 29, I Th iv 15, Lk xix 11, Jas v 9, Rev iii 11, 20, xxii 6, 20.] And so S. Peter no doubt was even now looking for those portents which were to herald that consummation. The portents were in part fulfilled at the destruction of Jerusalem 40 years later, but the lapse of time caused a gradual change in the expectation of the Christians which we can trace in S. Paul's epistles.